The opinions expressed in this brief are those of the
author
and do not necessarily reflect those of the IBP
Improving Budget Transparency and Accountability in Aid Dependent
Countries: How Can Donors Help?
by Vivek Ramkumar and Paolo de Renzio[1]
Findings from the Open Budget Survey 2008[2]
Only 20 percent of the world’s governments are providing adequate
information for their citizens to begin to hold them accountable for
managing the public’s money. This finding comes from the Open
Budget Survey 2008, an extensive new survey of government budget
transparency in 85 countries issued on February 1, 2009, by the
International Budget Partnership (IBP).[3]
The Survey also found that nearly 50 percent of the 85 countries
evaluated provide such minimal information that they are able to
hide unpopular, wasteful, and corrupt spending.
The
Survey shows that transparency practices can be improved very
quickly and at little cost if there is sufficient political will to
implement reforms. The decision to undertake budget transparency
reforms can be supported in a number of ways, including by demands
for and support of increased transparency within a country by the
public, civil society organizations (CSO), legislatures, supreme
audit institutions (SAI), and the media. In developing countries,
political will can also be supported by external factors, such as
the policies and practices adopted by donor agencies and the
international community.
Budget transparency in aid-recipient countries should be a core
concern for donor agencies, as highlighted in the Paris Declaration
on Aid Effectiveness, which states that “corruption and lack of
transparency […] impede effective resource mobilization and
allocation and divert resources away from activities that are vital
for poverty reduction and sustainable economic development” (OECD,
2005:2). In aid-dependent countries, improved transparency of aid
flows is also key for enhancing domestic accountability around the
budget process. Donors have recognized this in the Accra Agenda for
Action, adding a number of additional commitments to those made in
Paris on providing comprehensive and timely information on aid flows
to recipient governments, regardless of whether such flows are
channeled through country budget systems or not.
In
this Brief, IBP provides general recommendations to the
international donor community and International Financial
Institutions (IFI) on how they can support better budget
transparency practices in countries to which they provide
assistance.
Budget Transparency in Aid-dependent Countries
The
Open Budget Survey reveals that those countries performing least
well in terms of budget transparency practices share certain
characteristics, including lower income levels, dependence on
foreign aid, reliance on revenues from hydrocarbon extraction, and
weak democratic institutions. Table 1 provides a snapshot of how
countries that receive Official Development Assistance (ODA) fare in
terms of budget transparency. It shows that not only is the average
budget transparency score for aid-recipient countries lower than for
all countries covered in the Survey but also that the score declines
as their degree of dependence on foreign aid increases.
Table 1. Aid Dependency and Budget Transparency
|
Degree of Aid Dependence |
Number of Countries |
Average OBI Score |
Countries |
|
High (Aid>10% of GNI) |
18 |
22 |
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Chad, Democratic
Republic of Congo, Ghana, Honduras, Kyrgyz Republic, Liberia,
Malawi, Mongolia, Nicaragua, Niger, Rwanda, Senegal, Tanzania,
Uganda, Zambia |
|
Medium (Aid>5%and<10% of GNI) |
12 |
28 |
Albania, Angola, Bolivia, Cameroon, Georgia, Jordan, Macedonia,
Nepal, Nigeria, Papua New Guinea, Sudan, Vietnam |
|
Low (Aid <5% of GNI) |
45 |
45 |
Algeria, Argentina, Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Botswana, Brazil,
Bulgaria, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, Croatia, Czech Republic,
Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equatorial
Guinea, Fiji, Guatemala, India, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Kenya,
Lebanon, Malaysia, Mexico, Morocco, Namibia, Pakistan, Peru,
Philippines, Poland, Romania, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Slovenia,
South Africa, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Trinidad and
Tobago, Turkey, Ukraine, Venezuela, Yemen |
|
Overall |
75 |
32 |
|
Source:
World Development Indicators (Aid/GNI average for period 2000-2006)
*Only countries that receive Official Development Assistance were
included in this table. Afghanistan, Serbia, and São Tome were not
included in the database.
While this might be a spurious relationship—caused by the fact that
aid-dependent countries are also poor and have weaker
institutions—it still raises an interesting question about the role
of donor agencies in supporting and promoting budget transparency
and accountability. In countries where donor funding is high, aid
represents a sizable share of public resources; in some cases donor
contributions are greater than the government’s domestic revenues.
Where aid has such an important role, how it is given inevitably
has an impact on budget transparency and accountability practices.
It also is interesting that countries that receive a sizable share
of their aid as direct budget support, which is more conducive to
budget transparency, do not seem to fare significantly better in
terms of budget transparency than countries where aid mostly comes
in the form of project assistance.
There are four main ways in which bilateral and multilateral donor
organizations can affect budget transparency and accountability in
aid-recipient countries. The first is by influencing recipient
governments’ capacity and commitment to make budgets more
transparent. The second is by supporting other actors (CSOs,
legislatures, SAIs, etc.) in making better use of available budget
information. The third, and most direct way, is by changing their
own practices with regard to transparency and accountability.
Finally, the fourth is by conducting additional analysis on the ways
in which aid affects budget transparency and accountability in poor
countries. Each of these issues is discussed in greater detail
below.
1.
Donors Can Influence the Capacity and Commitment of Governments in
Aid-Recipient Countries
The
Survey finds that in the majority of countries surveyed little
budget information is made available to the public. However, the
reasons for lack of transparency vary. In some cases, governments
do not have sufficient resources or technical capacity to generate
even the basic budget documents required by international good
practices on budget transparency. In other cases, governments
produce such documents for internal purposes or for their
parliaments or donors but choose not to make them publicly
available.
In
countries where the main obstacle to increased budget transparency
is a lack of technical capacity or adequate systems for producing
and disseminating budget information, donors can play an important
role. For example, they can support the introduction of
comprehensive information systems to enhance the capacity of a
government to produce accurate and timely budget information. In
addition, donors can support the creation of information disclosure
systems that would allow governments to proactively make information
available to the public on the use of public resources and the
provision of government services. Technical assistance and funding
to establish e-government systems that harness the power of
information technology are one example. Donors can also support
governments in developing institutional capacities to improve
record-keeping, especially in light of the growing willingness of
countries to adopt laws that give the public the right to access
government information through specific requests. Often these laws
are not immediately effective because government agencies are unable
to develop systems to respond to information requests.
In
countries where the main obstacle lies in the government’s
unwillingness to disclose information that is already produced for
internal purposes, donors can pressure governments to make this
information publicly available. Such pressure could be placed on
recipient governments by linking specific transparency conditions to
the disbursement of aid funds, for example.
While donors are legitimate stakeholders in the budget processes of
aid-dependent countries, given their need to account for the use of
aid funds to their domestic constituencies, their right of access to
budget information should never trump or distort domestic
accountability processes. Yet, in many aid dependent countries,
especially those that receive direct budget support, donors have
privileged and exclusive access to budget information that is not
always released to the public in a timely manner. This is the case,
for example, when governments have to get the International Monetary
Fund’s approval on their macroeconomic framework even before it is
discussed in cabinet or sent to the legislature, or when they
distribute budget reports to budget support donors long before such
information is released to the public. Clauses that require
governments to make available to the public any budget information
that is made available to donors could be included in aid
agreements. This would address existing accountability distortions
and provide domestic actors in aid recipient countries, such as CSOs
and the media, with important budget information.
2.
Donors Can Support External Oversight Agencies
A
key finding of the Survey is that poor budget transparency is often
compounded by weak oversight institutions, including legislatures
and SAIs that lack analytical capacity, have inadequate legal
powers, or are not sufficiently independent from the executive.
There is increasing recognition within the donor community that
improvements in public resource management are influenced not just
by the overall level of transparency but also by the wider
accountability environment around the budget process. The wider
environment includes not only oversight institutions with an
official mandate to monitor the work of the executive but also CSOs—which
are increasingly important players—using available budget
information to hold governments to account for the use of public
resources.
Reforms that enhance the institutional system of checks and balances
in the budget process, as well as strengthen the role and powers of
legislatures and SAIs, could be an important contribution. However,
donors may have limited influence in such matters, unless there is
an existing domestic political consensus for such reforms to take
hold. What donors can do, however, is provide funding and technical
assistance to build the capacity of official oversight
institutions. They also can support efforts by civil society and
the media to analyze available budget information. Such support
should be seen as a comprehensive package of efforts to improve
overall budget accountability and oversight, helping to build the
necessary linkages and synergies between the different institutions.[4]
3.
Donors Can Change Their Own Practices that Undermine Budget
Transparency
While donor agencies can promote budget transparency and
accountability by supporting and influencing the actions of domestic
governmental and non-governmental actors, there is also much that
donors can do by altering their own practices and procedures.
Improving the transparency of aid flows can promote accountability
both at the international and country level. At the moment, the
main sources of systematic and comparable information on aid flows
at the international level are the two databases maintained by the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development/Development
Assistance Committee (OECD/DAC), which capture aggregate and
activity-specific aid data, respectively. However, despite having
greatly improved in recent years, both these databases have serious
flaws, as they are often incomplete and inconsistent (mostly because
they depend on the voluntary submissions of individual donor
agencies) and are compiled with considerable delays. Annual reports
and statistics from individual donors can also be utilized as a
source of information, but these are often fragmented and not easily
comparable.
More important for budget transparency and accountability at the
country level, the current lack of available information on
donor-financed activities paints an unclear picture of the amounts,
nature, and distribution of aid funds flowing into a specific
country in a specific year. A survey carried out by the OECD/DAC to
monitor indicators linked to the Paris Declaration shows how in 2007
the average percentage of aid flows that recipient governments were
able to capture in their budget documents was a meager 48 percent in
the 55 countries surveyed (OECD, 2008). This means that, on
average, more than half of aid flows that finance basic service
delivery and other government activities cannot be easily monitored
or subjected to normal budget accountability and oversight
procedures.
Much of the rationale behind such transparency failure lies in the
fact that donors often channel their aid through mechanisms that are
outside an aid-recipient government’s formal budget system, and
which follow separate and parallel budget formulation,
implementation, and reporting procedures. Such off-budget funding
is justified by donor concerns that existing government budget
management institutions and practices may be weak and, therefore,
susceptible to mismanagement. While donors should be concerned
about the proper use of their aid monies, they also need to assess
the long-term impact of off-budget funding. In practice such
approaches by donors can be in themselves a source of the very
weakness and mismanagement they are trying to avoid. Off-budget
financing places strains on domestic budget management systems and
inhibits the effective coordination of donor support and its
integration in the regular policy- and budget-making cycle. For
example, a 2007 study on budget practices in Tanzanian local
governments found that district authorities were spending much of
their time providing reports to auditors sent by donor agencies,
being subjected to up to 23 separate audits in one year alone.[5]
In Ghana, a study found that senior government officials in the
country spent approximately 44 weeks in a year fulfilling the
requirements of donor agencies
(Brautigam and Knack, 2004).
Whenever possible, donors should channel aid flows through
government budget systems, for example, by using budget support
mechanisms of different kinds. When this is not possible, donors
should ensure that the systems and procedures utilized for their
projects and programs are as compatible as possible with those of
recipient government budget systems. For example, donors should
ensure that planned aid-financed activities are captured in the
relevant sector’s medium-term plan and expenditure framework, and
that information on commitments and disbursements is provided to
government in formats and at times that facilitate their inclusion
in budget documents.
A
study carried out by the Collaborative Africa Budget Reform
Initiative and the Strategic Partnership for Africa on “Putting aid
on budget” clarifies the different ways in which aid flows could be
brought “on-budget,” distinguishing among seven key moments in the
budget cycle (CABRI/SPA, 2008). Any aid activity can be included in
development plans, draft budget documents, or the official budget
approved by parliament. It can also be channeled and recorded
through the government treasury and accounting systems and captured
in execution and audit reports. The main challenge for donors
interested in promoting budget transparency and accountability,
therefore, is to ensure that regardless of the aid delivery
mechanism they use, they satisfy as many of the “on-budget”
categories as possible.
In
recent years, more than 50 country-level mechanisms to increase the
availability and quality of information on aid flows have been
created, as in Rwanda, Mozambique, and Afghanistan. While these
initiatives are laudable, donors should put greater effort into
ensuring that these country-specific aid databases are fully
compatible with government budget classification systems and provide
information in ways that make it easy to incorporate it into budget
documents at different phases of the budget cycle. This will allow
for more comprehensive coverage of aid flows in budget documents and
thus increase overall budget transparency and accountability,
regardless of whether government activities are financed by domestic
revenues or aid receipts.
4.
Donors Can Support Additional Analysis of the Impact of Their Aid on
Budget Transparency in Recipient Countries
While the Open Budget Survey 2008 found a correlation between aid
dependency and weak transparency practices, it does not identify the
reasons why—or the practices by which—donor aid can undermine
transparency in aid-recipient countries. This is clearly an area
where additional analysis is needed, and donors could play an
important role in supporting or conducting research on the effects
of donor interventions and ongoing budget reforms on budget
transparency in recipient countries. If aid is found to be
inhibiting transparency among aid recipient countries, further
research should be conducted to identify why this is happening.
Summary of Recommendations and Conclusions
In
this report, we have provided four suggestions that the donor
community should consider to improve budget transparency and
accountability in aid-recipient countries. First, donors can
directly support the development of better budget information
systems through technical assistance and financing, and include
specific transparency clauses and conditions in aid agreements.
Second, donors can similarly support formal and non-formal budget
oversight actors, such as legislatures, SAIs, and civil society
organizations. Third, donors can change and improve their own
practices, enhancing the quality of the information they provide on
aid flows, particularly at country level, and utilize modalities
that are compatible with country budget systems and processes.
Finally, donors can support further analysis and research on the
impact of aid on budget transparency and accountability in
aid-recipient countries.
It
is not our intent to question the important impact that donor aid
can have on supporting economic stability and growth in poor
countries around the world. The role that international donors play
is critical but should be structured in a way that strengthens the
capacity and will of governments to meet the needs of their people,
especially those living in poverty. Despite the repeated
commitments at international conferences and the related
declarations and action plans, IBP strongly believes that donors can
become much more proactive in creating a global environment in which
transparency is seen as a fundamental right of all peoples. In such
an environment, donors will themselves find it easier to demand
greater accountability from governments and thus will be able to
improve the effectiveness of the aid they provide.
References
Brautigam Deborah and Stephen Knack, “Foreign Aid, Institutions, and
Governance in Sub-Saharan Africa,” Economic Development and
Cultural Change, 52, 2, Jan 2004, pp. 255-285.
CABRI/SPA, “Putting Aid on Budget. Synthesis Report,” 2008.
Pretoria: CABRI.
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, “Paris
Declaration on Aid Effectiveness,” 2005. Paris: OECD.
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, “2008 Survey
on Monitoring the Paris Declaration: Making Aid More Effective by
2010,” 2008. Paris: OECD.
van Zyl Albert, Vivek Ramkumar, and Paolo de Renzio, “Responding to
the Challenges of Supreme Audit Institutions: Can Legislatures and
Civil Society Help?” 2009. Bergen: Chr. Michelsen Institute (U4
Issue 2009:1).
[1]
The authors wish to thank Karin Christiansen of Publish What You
Fund for reviewing and commenting on the text. She brought in
invaluable insights that have strengthened the final product.
[4]
A
recent paper by the Christen Michelsen Institute explores the
potential of connecting the efforts of CSOs, legislatures, and
SAIs (van Zyl et al., 2009).